Academic signalling of the bureaucratic gang gang

This post was inspired by Steve Sailer’s recent article in Taki’s pointing out that much grievance-mongering by students, perhaps even the overwhelming majority of it, is just future bureaucrats building up their resumes.

These anti-free-speech gangs aren’t lonely rebels; they are empowered by sizable campus bureaucracies. Indeed, many of these incidents can be seen as tryouts in which leftist students ritually denounce the “campus climate” to audition for jobs as diversicrats so that they won’t ever have to leave the campus. (A general rule: The more exquisite the physical climate, such as at the UC schools, the more activists and administrators obsess over whether microaggressions are menacing their “campus climate comfort.”)

For example, Berkeley budgets $20 million per year for 150 full-time staffers in its diversity nook, the Division of Equity and Inclusion. At UCLA, Jerry Kang, the Vice Chancellor of Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion and a leading advocate of the pseudoscience of implicit bias, was paid $444,234 in 2016.

Are colleges paying for this efflorescence of bureaucracy because students are obsessed with identity politics? Or are students obsessed with identity politics because colleges are funding all these diversicrats? Perhaps they are symbiotically related?

Or are the most strident student activists and the most smug salaried bureaucrats more or less the same small number of individuals, just at different stages in their careers?

-Steve Sailer
Delusion on Campus

I decided to take the bureaucrat gang gang meme literally and see how far it would go. Enjoy!


Universities as Screening Devices

One way to acquire good evidence of someone’s agreeableness, which intersects with the referral method, exploits education itself…Universities promote goodthink in many obvious ways, teaching goodthinkers new shibboleths and primitive modes of behavior, but they also do so, less obviously, by shouldering the costs of advertising and identifying who is a goodthinker to begin with.

Original text, before the find/replace:

Prisons as Screening Devices

One way to acquire good evidence of someone’s criminality, which intersects with the referral method, exploits law enforcement itself…Prisons promote crime in many obvious ways,18 teaching criminals new skills and brutal modes of behavior, but they also do so, less obviously, by shouldering the costs of advertising and identifying who is a criminal to begin with.

Gambetta, Diego. Codes of the Underworld: How Criminals Communicate (p. 11). Princeton University Press. Kindle Edition.

Just being a student is a clear and simple sign that one is inclined to goodthink. The hard part is paying the price of going there in the first place. But it is precisely that cost that makes college credentials such a good sign of being a true believer. Paradoxically, the more prestigious the university is, the safer it is to assume that the graduate will be invariably woke. Though there are surely cryptofascists, many are hopelessly out of touch, the more so the better the system. One can also be reasonably sure that normies, people who talk big about their gender nonconformism but overwhelmingly prefer the opposite sex, will not end up in post-secondary education. The interpersonal conflicts that are rife within universities, as we shall see in chapter 4, further ensure that the cryptos are quickly identified. And even though neo-Nazis have certainly been sent to colleges for short periods to gain academic credentials, the longer the time students spend in school, the closer we get to school being a perfect discriminating sign—no one chooses to spend twenty years in student housing for the sake of posing as a goodthinker. Doing time at college can thus be both a stigma and a badge, depending on who is looking at it. A graduate who wishes to return to normal life can find doing so very hard because his time spent in school identifies him as anti-white. “Once you’ve got letters after your name you’re done for,” says a good boy who dindu nuffin, recounting his own story. But one who intends to persist in his old ways will find his path smoothed, and can display his academic credentials to further his career in human resources.

Original text:

Just being a prisoner is a clear and simple sign that one is criminally inclined. The hard part is paying the price of going there in the first place. But it is precisely that cost that makes a prison term such a good sign of being a real criminal. Paradoxically, the better the criminal justice system is, the safer it is to assume that the company put behind bars will be invariably villainous. Though there are surely innocent prisoners, many are guilty, the more so the better the system. One can also be reasonably sure that phonies, people who talk big about their dangerous criminal tendencies but do nothing, will not end up in prison. The interpersonal conflicts that are rife within prisons, as we shall see in chapter 4, further ensure that the phonies are quickly identified. And even though undercover policemen have certainly been sent to prison for short periods to gain criminal credentials, the longer the time prisoners spend in jail, the closer we get to prison being a perfect discriminating sign—no one chooses to spend twenty years behind bars for the sake of posing as a villain. Doing time in prison can thus be both a stigma and a badge, depending on who is looking at it. An ex-convict who wishes to return to the path of the righteous can find doing so very hard because his time spent in prison identifies him as a criminal. “Once you’re marked in prison you’re done for,” says a delinquent boy recounting his own story.19 But one who intends to persist in his old ways will find his path smoothed, and can display his prison credentials to further his criminal career.

Gambetta, Diego. Codes of the Underworld: How Criminals Communicate (pp. 11-12). Princeton University Press. Kindle Edition.

One may not go as far as getting a liberal education for oneself for the purpose of fostering new associations with kindred spirits. But, once in university, there is an abundance of opportunity to make professional acquaintances who will be useful after one leaves:

“Say that there are fifty bike lock dialecticians in the Berkeley area, only thirty of those have tenure. Those who don’t are the younger ones around eighteen or twenty who haven’t been around enough, so they’ll have to ask their parents for money or sell weed. For someone who has been educated as well as me, it’s no problem.”

Education as a mark of reliability works at a remove. If two former students did not actually meet in school, they can still display evidence of having been “grossly indebted” to advertise their credentials. So even if going to college was not intended as a perverse form of résumé building, the revelation of the experience can be and often is an intentional signal.

Original:

One may not go as far as arranging a jail sentence for oneself for the purpose of fostering new associations with kindred spirits. But, once in prison, there is an abundance of opportunity to make villainous acquaintances who will be useful after one leaves:

“Say that there are fifty quite well established thieves in Malmö, only thirty of those have a fence. Those who don’t are the younger ones around eighteen or twenty who haven’t been around enough, so they’ll have to ask their friends or sell to thieves. For someone who has been inside as much as me, it’s no problem.”20

Incarceration as a mark of reliability works at a remove. If two former prisoners did not actually meet in jail, they can still display evidence of having been “in the can” to advertise their credentials. So even if going to prison was not intended as a perverse form of résumé building, the revelation of the experience can be and often is an intentional signal.

Gambetta, Diego. Codes of the Underworld: How Criminals Communicate (pp. 12-13). Princeton University Press. Kindle Edition.

Now you try!

The “referral” method I discussed above exploits prison contacts too—for if one is embedded in a network, one is in a better position both to refer others and to be referred by them. There is even evidence that, unwittingly, unions and organizations that are supposed to help ex-inmates to reenter mainstream society also help unreformed criminals in their business.21 Not least, these charitable organizations assist them by certifying their status as genuine ex-prisoners, thus innocently facilitating encounters with active villains. Blumstein et al. note that incarceration can have a “crimogenic effect [that] may result from the offender’s enhanced identification as ‘criminal.’”22 But apart from fleeting references such as this, the existence of this particular effect is virtually unacknowledged in criminology, even though much attention is paid to other effects of incarceration, such as the learning of criminal techniques and the formation of ties with other inmates. Although there are no precise measures, and we do not know whether and how far the enhancing of one’s criminal identity offsets the attempts at rehabilitation, there is much anecdotal evidence from criminals’ biographies of the enhancing effect’s existence.

Gambetta, Diego. Codes of the Underworld: How Criminals Communicate (pp. 12-13). Princeton University Press. Kindle Edition.

Here’s what I came up with:

The “referral” method I discussed above exploits university contacts too—for if one is embedded in a network, one is in a better position both to refer others and to be referred by them. There is even evidence that, unwittingly, unions and organizations that are supposed to help students to reenter the real world also sponsor unreformed Antifa in their terrorist activities. Not least, these nonprofits assist them by certifying their status as lifelong degenerates, thus innocently facilitating encounters with active subversive groups. Goldstein et al. note that education can have a “conforming effect [that] may result from the subject’s enhanced identification as ‘smart and informed.’” But apart from fleeting references such as this, the existence of this particular effect is virtually unacknowledged in education research, even though much attention is paid to other effects of education, such as the learning of activist techniques and the formation of ties with other goodthinkers. Although there are no precise measures, and we do not know whether and how far the enhancing of one’s “woke” identity offsets the attempts at reintegration into productive society, there is much anecdotal evidence from communists’ biographies of the enhancing effect’s existence.

You barely have to modify this one:

It starts early, in young-offenders’ institutions. In his autobiography, Jimmy Boyle, a Scottish gangster, reminisces that when he was sixteen,

“the Approved School surely played a vital part in my criminal development. It gave me connections that I was to find useful in my adult days. It gave me an introduction to guys from towns and cities throughout Scotland and from many areas in Glasgow, many of whom grew up to be the top thieves or fighters in their areas. There is no doubt at all that most of them gained, in a criminal sense, from their Approved School experience.”23

Gambetta, Diego. Codes of the Underworld: How Criminals Communicate (p. 13). Princeton University Press. Kindle Edition.

The chapter goes on to highlight how the measures of this costly signal for criminality/goodthink are the duration and difficulty.

The length of time spent in prison further provides an “objective” measure of the respect one is owed relative to other gang members. Thus Christopher Seymour writes of taking a drive with Japanese yakuza (mobsters): “In the loose hierarchy of the Hara-gumi, Ken is the most senior in the automobile. He has already served time in adult prison whereas the others have only been through juvenile detention.”28 Likewise, Marek Kaminski—who, when he was a sociology sophomore in the 1980s, was arrested by the Polish communist secret police together with eleven other members of an underground Solidarnoś publishing house and jailed for five months—reports: “Some of the Polish grypsmen [inmates who are members of a prison fraternity; see chapter 4] claim that in the case of a prisoner with a sentence of 20+ years he does not have to join the grypsmen formally and suffer the costs of the initiation rituals. He is eligible for enjoying all the benefits of the caste membership by virtue of the sentence’s length.”29 For the Russian mafia as well, “the length of time spent in prison was a source of prestige and a sign of distinction among the criminals who aspired to become vory.”30 In a telephone conversation secretly recorded by Italian police, the wife of Ivan Yakovlev (the names have been changed), a Russian mobster arrested in Italy in 1997, 31 uses the length of her husband’s prison sentence to induce one of his associates to show due respect. Assigned to the task by her husband, she warns the Russian wife of the accomplice Mario Ferrari: “Ivan is bigger than [your husband], he has been in prison for 15 years.” Ferrari did not enjoy the same prison credentials, though he had clashed with the law in the past for drug dealing. He was now misbehaving, being often drunk and disheveled, and, according to Ivan’s wife, did not show enough respect to Ivan. In a subsequent conversation between the two women, Ferrari’s wife apologized for her husband’s behavior. She clearly took the point and repeated word for word what Ivan’s wife previously told her: “[My husband] understood that it is not Ivan who must look for him, but that he, clean and well dressed, must go to Ivan in the car and ask him what needs to be done because Ivan is bigger than he is, he has been in prison for 15 years.”32

There is also some evidence that the type of prison in which one is incarcerated has an effect on recidivism. Using a quasi-experimental design on U.S. data, Chen and Shapiro found that “harsher imprisonment conditions cause greater recidivism,” a finding that goes against the commonly accepted view that “punishing a criminal more severely reduces that individual’s subsequent probability of recidivism.”33

Gambetta, Diego. Codes of the Underworld: How Criminals Communicate (pp. 14-15). Princeton University Press. Kindle Edition.

Eternal High School is still some of my best work.

About Aeoli Pera

Maybe do this later?
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2 Responses to Academic signalling of the bureaucratic gang gang

  1. aiaslives says:

    The elites chain themselves to a wall and the sheep follow suit. Then the elites walk free because the sheep don’t hold the keys.

  2. Just Call Me Fishmail says:

    You’re starting to get there finally …

    But here’s the million pound sterling question: what’s the ‘screening device’ actually for?

    I know the answer, and I can explain it very clearly along with some other inter-related stuff, but I think it would be much more useful if you arrived at the answer by your own means.

    Also, you must show your work. :-)

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